This approach has rendered their mutually constitutive impact virtually invisible, tended to downplay both intracommunal divi- sions and intercommunal linkages, and focused attention on episodes of violent conflict, implicitly assumed to be the only normal, significant, or even possible form of interaction. When I arrived at the main gate of the ruins I found the tourist center’s parking lot overrun with picnickers, people playing soccer, and children running wildly, dragging kites through the summer winds. For this reason Tupac may be considered a shahid, memorialized as a fallen hero for Palestinian liberation. Ini- tially Jordan was my primary field site due to its having the largest Pales- tinian refugee population in the world. In all of the above vignettes the artists are grappling with fundamental issues of what it means to be Palestinian, and what it means to resist. These young art- ists used a transnational form of American hip-hop to express feelings of ethnic and national sentiment across both Palestinian and Israeli sound- scapes. For him Palestine was defined and circumscribed by a shared cultural his- tory of indigenous practices and dispositions. The distinctions between historical and ethnographic modalities are further complicated in terms of fieldwork techniques.

By reading resistance in this way, we collapse distinctions between forms of resistance and foreclose certain questions about the workings of power. At times throughout the research and writing of this book it was extremely dif- ficult to distinguish between colloquial and formal texts. While Islamic practice and belief is asserted here as a threat against the Zionist, he counters with a threat of his own. The muhawara is a bit more complex in that it involves a performative debate between competing poet-singers within a prescribed rhythmo- poetic rhyme scheme. Situated within larger fields of meaning, these songs provide a truly fascinating historical record of the Palestinian condition as it has been conceptual- ized and embodied over the last eighty years. And while each believed music and musical performance to be powerful modes of communicating nationalist sentiment, they each, in effect, defined the nation in radically different terms. In counterpoint Palestinian militants responded with strategic bombings and adopted new forms of social media and performance to frame acts of violence against occupa- tion forces and civilians alike as legitimate forms of martyrdom and re- sistance to a foreign Israeli military occupation.

For scholars to transcend the mythologized pasts and to criticize the filters through which the nation is reified as natural and time- less, they must confront many of the components of their own identities as citizens and nationals. At times the trek back to Amman in the middle of the night required imagination, a sense of humor, and resourcefulness. Walking the streets of Amman, Jordan, for example, where more than 60 percent of the population identifies as Pal- estinian refugees or their descendants, it was clear that intifada culture had gripped the city.

If we are to fully move beyond the ten- dency to romanticize these expressive practices as resistance, it is essential to understand each performative act, each song, poem, dance, gesture, as a tool for understanding the dynamics of power from which it arose.

From the village’s surrounding olive and fig orchards, one can easily look out over the hills of the Galilee, the Golan Heights, and the West Bank. Heretofore, the literature on Palestinian folklore and nationalism has by and large constructed music, poetry, and dance as epiphenomenal tools for the mobilization of oppositional politics and ideology.

Protesting students periodically gathered outside the university’s main gates, shout- ing anti-American and anti-Israeli slogans. Checkpoints, closures, and isolated incidents of vio- lence between local Palestinians and occupation forces meant that even the most innocent trip required hours of waiting, three to four different taxis, and a gauntlet of body searches, questioning, and intimidation.


In- sofar as is practicable, I have tried to maintain a middle ground between what was said or sung and what was meant or intended. A well-managed tourist center and excellent fine-dining restaurant have earned Umm Qais the reputation of a must-see destination for any tourist visiting the kingdom. Why we do it? By Nuh Ibrahim had been arrested by British authorities for his involvement with the al-Qassam brigades; subsequently he spent five months in the famous c Akka Prison.

kol awladi episode 88 la

Synopsis This book is conceptualized in two distinct yet interrelated sections: Because I must own Palestine! The life and career of the famous poet Nuh Ibrahim and his influence on the Great Revolt awladk explored with particular detail, emphasizing his overall impact in fostering support for the rebellion and nationalizing a rural population of indigenous falldhin peasantry to rise up against the British colonial administration.

However, Palestinian fallahi singers were periodically broadcast on local radio, and many of their performances routinely dealt with quasi-political issues and themes. Music — Political aspects episod Israel. Following this, I trace the cultural repercussions of the war, al-nakba the catastropheon indigenous forms of Palestinian music making.

I am especially grateful to Donna A. On a more practical level the division of this text into two sections serves a specific purpose. I hesitate to even call this an intifada, as many of my interlocutors would often shudder in embarrassment at applying this term, for while this new uprising was superficially interpreted as an extension of the first Palestinian intifadain reality this new uprising lacked the core principles of popu- lar resistance seen in Aawladi are texts— things to be read and interpreted within various frames of class, ethnicity, religion, and so forth.

It sings about the people and their struggles, no matter where they were scattered. In some cases I documented performances from afar, mingling among the crowds. Each of the examples further points toward three very different Pales- tinian communities: Travel into the West Bank has been strictly controlled sinceeffectively preventing Awadi refu- gees and their descendants in Jordan from visiting their natal villages.

His gleaming blue eyes sparkle awladdi the backdrop of his thinning white hair and wrinkled cheeks. This approach has rendered their mutually constitutive impact virtually invisible, tended to downplay both intracommunal divi- sions and intercommunal linkages, and focused attention on episodes of violent conflict, implicitly assumed to be the only normal, significant, or even possible form of koo.

kol awladi episode 88 la

Here notions of Pales- tine structure, past, present, and future, are imagined epidode an idyllic well- spring of cultural identity, a force of contemporary politics, and a site of future desire and actualization. Especially during a period of intense occupation, work in Jerusalem, Bethlehem, and Ramal- lah was complicated by shifting curfews, closures, checkpoints, searches, interrogations, and at times emotional and physical harassment by Israeli forces. Over the previous year I had been in contact, via e-mail, with a group of Palestinian Israeli hip-hop artists currently perform- ing throughout Israel and the West Bank.

That makes him [a] shahid, and that makes him Palestinian. While playing with al-Ashiqin, I learned the standard repertory of inti- fada songs melodies, rhythms, and texts from the vantage point of an in- side performer.

Before long I am pulled from my ethnographer’s perch to join one of 2 dabke lines weaving through the crowd. What came to be labeled “resistance music” or “protest song” was defined not by active musico-political processes, but rather by static notions of thematic content, folkloric signification, and other elements of musical “style.


Although we [al- c Ashiqin] changed the lyrics, and I think Hussein [Nazak] modified the original melody [from bayyati to ajam] and meter, it is a folk song [aghnlya min al-shab] that every Palestinian knows from the time they were children. I brace myself for the usual barrage of questions and accusations customarily levied at foreigners cir- culating within politically charged venues such as this, but before I am able to speak, one of the teens grabs me by the shoulders and quickly bends forward to kiss the pin of eoisode Palestinian flag on my lapel.

And if so, how and why might this be so? With the dexterity of a man half his age he quickly rises from his chair and begins pulling books from the surround- ing shelves. As music is made manifest in the articulation and interaction of participants within a socially constituted performance en- epiwode, so, too, are nations themselves products, or effects, of a perfor- mativity of ideation framed within discourses of power and agency.

My goal in this book is to examine musical performance in relation to its contributions to the interpretive processes by which the Palestinian na- tion comes into focus across various sociocultural and historical terrains. By repositioning our focal awareness toward these ephemeral moments of social perfor- mance, moments of active identification, we begin to understand the per- formativity of belonging. Rural fallahin, predominantly illiterate farmers and laborers, constituted approximately 70 percent of the total Palestinian population during this time.

Friday after- noons are typically when families spend time relaxing outdoors, barbe- quing, or otherwise enjoying their time together. Situated within larger fields of meaning, these awlaxi provide a truly fascinating historical record of the Palestinian condition as it has been conceptual- ized and embodied over the last eighty years. I discuss the idea- tional impact of Arabism and Nasserism on the formation of Palestinian national identities in exile zwladi document the role of music and music performance xwladi maintaining communal relations and subjectivities in the refugee camps.

To resist the awlado takes on drastically different connotations as one moves through time and episoe between various Palestinian communities.

Put another way, all these performances have at their core the insatiable drive to belong, to be at peace with oneself among others, to transcend the well- documented Palestinian condition of limi- nality and dispossession, and to escape perpetual movement, fear, and loss. The group had recently begun a come- back tour in Novemberenlisting the talents of a new generation of young musicians to revive the group’s canon of past resistance songs made famous in the late s and early s.

It is my greatest hope that one day he will find his passion as easily as I found mine. Within the near Palestinian diaspora in Jordan, Syria, Lebanonmusi- cal performance has been especially important in the formation of cul- tural meanings in two distinct ways: In chapter 2 I investigate the pre origins of Pal- estinian resistance song, beginning with the repertory of the traditional sha’r al-murtajal poet-singer.

This 5, -square -kilometer area of land, along with the Gaza Strip, was all that remained of historic Palestine following the war of and the establishment of the state of Israel. Walking among the crowds I realized that the weather was perhaps not the only reason so many decided to stretch out and enjoy the view.